Libya: 6 Months On, Scant Action on Protester Killings

Libya: 6 Months On, Scant Action on Protester Killings


Failures in Police Protection, Lack of Accountability of Militias

(Tripoli) – Libyan authorities should urgently announce the results of promised investigations into at least two deadly clashes between protesters and militias during 2013. The clashes killed dozens of people and injured hundreds.

Six months after 32 people died in Benghazi on June 8, 2013, in what came to be known as “Black Saturday,” the authorities have made no known arrests, have been silent on the identities of any suspects, and seem unwilling to conduct a thorough and impartial investigation, Human Rights Watch said. In the second clash, on November 15 in Tripoli, at least 46 people died and 500 were injured.

“The authorities urgently need to work out a feasible plan to question witnesses and militia members in connection with these deadly attacks on protesters,” said Sarah Leah Whitson, Middle East and North Africa director at Human Rights Watch. “It’s bad enough the authorities seem to be powerless to defend Libyan citizens, but they need to make greater efforts to investigate the deaths of dozens of people.”

On June 8, demonstrators gathered in Benghazi in front of the headquarters of a militia, the Libya Shield Forces 1, demanding that its members clear out of the city. Militia members fired on the protesters, and the resulting exchange of fire, including heavy weapons and anti-aircraft weapons, killed 32 people and injured dozens. Members of the army special forces, al-Sa’iqa, were present and, according to witnesses, participated in the exchange of fire, but the government has yet to clarify their role in the incident.

On June 9, Libya’s General National Congress (GNC) called on the general prosecutor, Abdelqader Radwan, to investigate the Benghazi incident and bring those responsible to justice. In a meeting with Human Rights Watch on December 5, Alaejeili Teitesh, the head of the General Prosecutor’s Office, said the investigation is “ongoing,” but provided no concrete details. Six months after the killings, there is no indication that the authorities have identified, interrogated, or detained any suspects in connection with the killings.

The government has also apparently been slow to investigate the large-scale attack on protesters in Tripoli on November 15. Militias, mainly from the city of Misurata, fired heavy weapons at what appeared to be a largely peaceful protest. The ensuing clashes resulted in the killing of at least 46 people and wounding of 500. Witnesses told Human Rights Watch that the police and military police were present, accompanying the organized demonstration, yet failed to intervene.

Almost three weeks later, Teitesh told Human Rights Watch that, based on a general prosecutor’s decision [No. 265/2013], a seven-member prosecution committee, headed by Tripoli Appeals Court Attorney General Omar Zinbeel, had opened an investigation into 47 deaths.

He said the committee was analyzing videos obtained from monitoring cameras adjacent to the where clashes took place and planned to issue arrest warrants “no matter who the perpetrators are,” after it finished collecting evidence and statements from witnesses. In addition, according to media reports, it appears that a militia unit in Tripoli is detaining at least one suspect, Abdelmajid al-Drat, a member of a Misurata militia based in Gharghour, in connection with the incident. But there is no indication that the Libyan authorities have interrogated or officially detained any other suspects.

According to media reports, other militia commanders and militia members who were involved in the attacks left Tripoli after the events and returned to Misurata. There is no confirmation of how many people Misurata militias detained during the clashes, or their whereabouts.“Militias have been able to defy the government and enjoy de-facto immunity from prosecution for two years now,” Whitson said, “Libya’s future stability is at risk unless there is a concerted effort by the Libyan authorities to change that and start indicting wrongdoers.

For background on the militias, the security forces’ role, and the security issues involved, please see below.

Role of Security Forces
The government has given no indication that it is investigating the failure of Libyan security forces to protect protesters even though the security forces were present at both protests.

In the June 2013 clashes in Benghazi, the Army Special Forces were present during the clashes, according to witnesses, and allegedly only intervened after numerous casualties.

In last month’s clashes in Tripoli, units of both the civil and the military police were present during the demonstration and remained in the vicinity once clashes broke out. But they failed to intervene to protect protesters or to arrest people firing at seemingly unarmed citizens at the beginning of the demonstrations, before clashes broke out. Prime Minister Ali Zeidan said the security forces were powerless to confront the militias during the Tripoli attacks, and that the militias had out-powered the security forces.

The government deployed the police and army to the streets of Tripoli only days after the November 15 killings in an effort to re-establish security, though only after the militias that had occupied Tripoli neighborhoods and military bases began to leave the city.

The government’s human rights responsibilities include the duty to secure the rights to life and to security of all people within its territory or jurisdiction. This includes taking reasonable steps to protect people from identifiable or predictable threats to their lives.

The Militia Problem
Hundreds of militias with varying regional, ideological, religious, political, and economic agendas have continued to operate with impunity since the end of the uprising against Muammar Gaddafi in 2011. They have killed, tortured, harassed, and arbitrarily detained hundreds of Libyans without any known prosecutions against any member of a militia.

Successive interim authorities have been either unable or unwilling to curb militia abuses or to prosecute those responsible for serious crimes. Despite repeated promises, the authorities have also failed to disband militias and integrate sufficient numbers of militiamen deemed eligible after individual vetting under government authority into the official security forces. Contrary to their stated commitments, interim authorities have contracted with and paid militias to operate as paramilitary forces parallel to the government, including them in operations reserved for state security forces under Libyan law, such as arrests and detention.

A GNC decree authorized the “Libya Revolutionaries Operations Room,” a coalition of powerful militias, to protect Tripoli. However, this coalition includes militias previously implicated in attacks on protesters.

The GNC has issued numerous decrees aimed at disbanding the country’s militias, but the government has been slow to carry them out. On November 12, the GNC issued Decree 87/2013, calling on the head of the government to carry out two previous decrees (27/2013 and 53/2013) that called on the government to clear “illegitimate” armed formations from cities and merge all armed formations that have gained legitimacy into state security forces.

Decree 27/2013 authorized the government to use all necessary means, including military force, to clear Tripoli of “illegitimate” armed groups. It also ordered armed groups operating under the umbrella of the Defense and Interior Ministries to leave the city boundaries and move to specific locations in the outskirts.

The GNC issued Decree 53/ 2013 on June 9, in the wake of the Benghazi killings. The decree calls on the head of the government to “clear” all areas in Libya of illegitimate armed formations using all necessary means, including military power. It also orders the head of government to produce a plan to merge all members of armed formations with “legitimacy” into state security forces individually, rather than by militia group, and to issue them official army serial numbers. The deadline for carrying out this decree is December 31.

After the November 12 clashes, the GNC reiterated its call for implementation of Decrees 27 and 53 by December 31. Libya’s current Minister of Electricity, Ali Muheirig, is tasked with the implementation of these Decrees.

On December 3, Prime Minister Zeidan announced the formation of another committee made up of several ministers including former Interior Minister Ashour Shwail, and headed by Higher Education Minister Mohamed Abu-Bakr, to work on carrying out Decree 53 in the city of Benghazi.

None of these decrees propose a mechanism for the handover of weapons by militias or mention accountability for militia crimes. Nor do they foresee a mechanism to handover detainees held by militias to the government, Human Rights Watch said.

Libyan authorities should at least start issuing arrest warrants for militia members suspected of crimes and for their commanders, to put them on notice that the authorities will no longer tolerate impunity, Human Rights Watch said. The non-existent prosecution in the last two years now stands in the way of Libya’s bid to embrace the rule of law.

Libya’s international partners, including countries that participated in the NATO campaign in 2011 against pro-Gaddafi forces, have done little to follow through with a coordinated restructuring policy, based on basic protection of human rights and ending of international crimes.

The United Nations Security Council has remained largely apathetic about militia abuses, including crimes against humanity, despite Libya’s obligations to “prevent and investigate violations and abuses of human rights” as stipulated in UN Security Council Resolution 2095, adopted on March 14.

Some countries, including the US, UK, France, Italy, and Turkey, have announced their readiness to train militia members for a future “General Purpose Force.” But they have yet to establish screening procedures to ensure that militia members who are trained for this force have not committed serious crimes, including unlawful killings and torture. Despite some support to Libya’s institutions, Libya’s allies did little to support Libya in setting up a functioning justice system, including independent prosecutors and judges that have the capacity to arrest and try the most serious perpetrators.

The International Criminal Court has ongoing jurisdiction over crimes against humanity committed in Libya since February 15, 2011, taking into account, among other factors, whether the Libyan authorities are willing and able to prosecute those responsible for these crimes.




Libya: Violent Response to Tripoli Prison Mutiny


Libya: Violent Response to Tripoli Prison Mutiny

Investigate Apparent Excessive Use of Force

The government needs to establish what happened on August 26 and explain how so many prisoners had gunshot wounds and other serious injuries. Anyone found to have used unlawful violence against prisoners should be held to account under Libya’s criminal law. Joe Stork, acting Middle East and North Africa director.

(Tripoli) – Libyan authorities should conduct an independent investigation into the quelling of a prison protest in which at least 19 inmates sustained gunshot or shrapnel wounds. The protest took place on August 26, 2013, at Tripoli Main Corrections and Rehabilitation Institution, known by its former name al-Roueimy, where around 500 detainees, including five women, were being held. 

Government and prison authorities and 20 inmates interviewed by Human Rights Watch gave conflicting accounts of what occurred at the facility in Tripoli when a two-day hunger strike by detainees sparked a violent confrontation with guards at the jail. As backup, authorities called members of the Supreme Security Committee, a body of former anti-Gaddafi fighters with a mandate to conduct policing and nominally under the Ministry of Interior.

“The government needs to establish what happened on August 26 and explain how so many prisoners had gunshot wounds and other serious injuries,” said Joe Stork, acting Middle East and North Africa director at Human Rights Watch. “Anyone found to have used unlawful violence against prisoners should be held to account under Libya’s criminal law.”

Al-Roueimy prison is under the formal authority of the Ministry of Justice and holds detainees related to the 2011 uprising that ousted former strongman Muammar Gaddafi. The “security” detainees include loyalists of the former government, members of Gaddafi’s security forces and volunteers who fought alongside these forces.

Following the violence on August 26, authorities moved around 150 of the detainees to the adjacent Ayn Zara prison, also administered by the Ministry of Justice. Human Rights Watch spoke to 20 of those prisoners on August 29, both individually and in groups.

Inmates accused al-Roueimy prison authorities of using extensive and unnecessary violence to force an end to the two-day hunger strike by detainees. They gave consistent accounts. They said the hunger strike was to protest their prolonged detention without access to a judge or any legal procedures.

All detainees interviewed by Human Rights Watch said security forces at the prison resorted first to the use of firearms, including automatic weapons, after discussions on ending the hunger strike broke down, before using tear gas as a secondary measure.

One detainee told Human Rights Watch how the negotiations broke down around 4 p.m. and arguments began between the protesters and guards. “This led to heated shouting matches and ultimately one guard opened fire on us with a Kalashnikov,” he said. “I saw one inmate hit the ground after being shot in the thigh. He was bleeding profusely.”

The detainee said the shooting sparked other prisoners to break down cell doors and set fire to mattresses. The guards responded by opening fire with automatic weapons over the next four hours, at times directly at prisoners, he and other detainees said.

Senior officials of al-Roueimy prison gave Human Rights Watch a different version of events. Acting prison director Ali al-Saadi and former director Haitham Beitelmal said they had faced a “mutiny” by around 150 inmates, which spread to all sections of the prison. They said guards at first used tear gas and then fired only rubber bullets over prisoners’ heads “to scare them”. They said four prison officers sustained minor injuries and that prison authorities had launched an internal investigation into the events.

On August 26, the spokesperson for the judicial police, which runs justice ministry prisons, told a press conference that security forces had quelled the prisoners’ protestpeacefully.” He said security forces had used only nonlethal means, including “smoke bombs, water cannons and tear gas,” and had caused no casualties. “Not a single shot was fired at the protesters,” he said, while suggesting that most prisoners’ injuries were due to a “stampede.”

Minister of Justice Salah al-Marghani acknowledged to Human Rights Watch on August 31 that authorities had been slow to address weaknesses in prison security and that untrained and improperly equipped guards may have contributed to the escalation of violence. “We were slower than we should have been in providing nonlethal weapons to the prison authorities,” he said.

Eight of the 20 detainees interviewed by Human Rights Watch sustained bullet wounds in their arms or legs, including two from whom the bullets were yet to be extracted. At least 19 inmates had injuries that they said were caused by shrapnel from ricocheting gunfire, which was confirmed by the clinic sources, suggesting arbitrary shooting of live ammunition by guards into areas occupied by detainees. Most had sustained injuries to their legs or arms, although one received a head wound.

Sources at the Ayn Zara prison clinic, which treated inmates injured in the al-Roueimy prison violence, confirmed to Human Rights Watch that some of those admitted had sustained direct gunshot wounds and others had injuries apparently caused by fragments from ricocheting bullets.

“The government should also address inmates’ underlying grievances about their prolonged detention without charge and lack of access to lawyers,” Stork said.

Accounts from Witnesses


Human Rights Watch is withholding the identity of the inmates whose interviews are cited below to safeguard them against possible reprisals.

One inmate told Human Rights Watch that detainees began a peaceful hunger strike on August 24 to protest their prolonged incarceration in breach of judicial procedures. Prison authorities, he said, had repeatedly told detainees that they would be taken before a prosecutor to commence legal procedures, yet: “Some of us have been detained for two years without any formal charge or seeing a judge even once, so, we decided to go on strike.”

Inmates said that the authorities had tried to convince them to end the hunger strike before resorting quickly to lethal force, including shooting with firearms, at about 4 p.m. on August 26. They said the shooting continued for four hours.

One inmate who said he was in a hallway together with other detainees when the violence began told Human Rights Watch:

The situation inside the prison escalated when prison authorities started to insult detainees. This led to heated shouting matches and ultimately one guard opened fire on us with a Kalashnikov. I saw one inmate hit the ground after being shot in the thigh. He was bleeding profusely. Another detainee rushed to carry him out of harm’s way and this is when tension reached a boiling point.

News spread fast that this inmate was fatally injured [which was untrue] so detainees started to break doors of cells and burn personal belongings and mattresses to try and create a thick smoke that would shield us from the ever intensifying onslaught of security forces. They were shooting directly at us through the metal bars and through the barred ceiling of the corridors and courts. I saw guards of the prison, but they were joined with some men wearing masks.

Only after shooting was “well underway,” the inmate said, guards began to throw tear gas into the cells and courtyards. Inmates allowed a prison official and some guards who had become trapped to escape safely, but firing by guards continued: “until the prison director and some other men from Ayn Zara prison arrived and intervened.”

One inmate who sustained gunshot injuries told Human Rights Watch that prison guards handcuffed and beat him and other wounded detainees as they were evacuated to the clinic at Ayn Zara prison.

Inmates told Human Rights Watch that security forces used several types of firearms, including Kalashnikov assault rifles and 9 mm shotguns, and drove 14.5 mm caliber anti-aircraft weapons into the prison courtyard to intimidate them.

One female inmate told Human Rights Watch that the section of the prison in which she was held saw no violence but was affected by the tear gas. “Prison authorities seemed overwhelmed and did not know what to do,” she said. “We stayed inside our section the whole day, we did not even open the door to get our lunch, we were too afraid.”

Prison authorities told Human Rights Watch that they called in additional security forces to secure the “outside perimeters of the prison” but denied that anyone other than judicial police officers entered the facility or were involved in quelling the protest. They insisted that officers did not shoot directly at detainees and used only rubber-coated bullets once tear gas had failed to disperse the protesting prisoners.


Arbitrary Detention and Ill-treatment 

All of the inmates that Human Rights Watch interviewed pointed to a lack of judicial reviews or other legal procedures to resolve their cases as the principal cause of the hunger strike. One detainee from Sirte said that he had been detained since August 23, 2011 but had yet to be taken before a judge or to be informed of any charges against him.

Anyone who is detained without prompt judicial review is a victim of arbitrary detention. The UN Human Rights Committee has stated that the right to judicial review of detention is a fundamental right that cannot be removed even during an emergency. The Libyan authorities should ensure that all detainees are promptly brought before a judge or judicial body to review the legality of their detention. If their detention is not lawfully justified, they should be released immediately. Only those against whom there is evidence of their involvement in committing crimes should be charged, Human Rights Watch said.

Some of the inmates who spoke to Human Rights Watch complained of ill-treatment by guards at al-Roueimy prison prior to the protest. They alleged that guards had threatened detainees with dogs for minor breaches such as smoking cigarettes. One inmate exposed his back to show what he said were welt marks he had sustained during beatings by prison guards. Others accused guards of threatening and insulting prisoners, particularly with the “honor” of their female relatives.

Background on Detention Facilities


Libyan authorities have struggled to maintain security at state-run detention facilities, against a background of repeated mass escapes. In March 2013, some 50 inmates escaped from Sebha prison in southern Libya, followed by the escape of 170 more in April, after a riot at the prison. In July, more than 1,200 detainees escaped from al-Kuweifiah prison during riots in Benghazi. In August, armed men secured the escape of 18 detainees when they attacked the convoy taking them from prison to a court in Tripoli.

In his meeting with Human Rights Watch, Justice Minister Salah al-Marghani voiced concern about general security conditions and the possibility of further violence in prisons. As key constraints he cited the lack of judicial procedures, weak safeguards for detainees, lawyers and judges, and poor training and the lack of equipment for the judicial police. He said his ministry was creating a special force of 1,000 highly trained judicial police officers to oversee the security of detention facilities and to counter escalating tensions but such changes required time and “events are overtaking us.”

Legal Standards

All detainees should be charged or released within a reasonable time. All those facing criminal charges have the right to be informed of the nature and cause of each charge against them and be brought promptly before a judge.

Arbitrary detention is strictly prohibited under international law. Arbitrary detention can amount to a crime against humanity if it is widespread or systematic, and carried out as the policy of the state, or the policy of an organized group such as a militia.

Security forces, including prison guards, should abide by the United Nations Basic Principles on the Use of Force and Firearms by Law Enforcement Officials, Human Rights Watch said. The principles call upon law enforcement officials to “minimize damage and injury, and respect and preserve human life” and to use lethal force only when strictly unavoidable in order to protect life:

Principle 15: Law enforcement officials, in their relations with persons in custody or detention, shall not use force, except when strictly necessary for the maintenance of security and order within the institution, or when personal safety is threatened.

Principle 16: Law enforcement officials, in their relations with persons in custody or detention, shall not use firearms, except in self-defence or in the defence of others against the immediate threat of death or serious injury, or when strictly necessary to prevent the escape of a person in custody or detention presenting the danger referred to in principal 9.

The Basic Principles require governments to ensure an effective review process is available on possible unlawful use of force or firearms by law enforcement officials, and that independent administrative or prosecutorial authorities are in a position to exercise jurisdiction in appropriate circumstances.



Libya: Violent Response to Tripoli Prison Mutiny

Who is Behind the Wave of Assassinations in Libya?

Senior army officer murdered in Tripoli

By Ashraf Abdul-Wahab

Yet another member of the armed forces has been murdered. Colonel Abdul-Wahab Mohammed Abdussalam Al-Lafi, a member of General Staff has died after being shot on Wednesday as he was returning to his home in Tripoli’s Jama Attughar district. According to a statement from the General Staff, he was taken to the Ali Omar Askar hospital in Assabea but died there.

There has been a spate of assassinations and attempted assassinations in the past month, many of them security officials who worked under the Qaddafi regime, but not all. Political figures have been targeted as well, most notably political activist Abdulsalam Musmari, murdered on 26 July.

Most have been in Benghazi and eastern Libya, although five days ago the General Staff reported an attempt to assassinate the former interim Chief of Staff, Brigadier Salem Gnaidi.

Three days ago a car bomb exploded in Benghazi killing of its driver, a civilian. It is thought that this was a case of mistaken identity and that the real target was a security official.

A week ago, the Commander of Sebha Security Support Forces, Colonel Fawzi El-Ujali, was killed in the city when a bomb attached to his car blew up.

July was one of the bloodiest months since the end of the counter-revolution for both Benghazi and Derna.

In Benghazi on 4 July, an attempt on the life of former Qaddafi air force officer Colonel Hamed Al-Hassi, who now heads the military wing of the self-proclaimed Cyrenaica Transitional Council, killed two men, although Al-Hassi survived.

Four days later, an another former Qaddari-era security official, Colonel Fawzi Al-Burki was killed when his car was blown up.

On 19 July, gunmen attempted to murder the head of the Libyan Observatory for Human Rights in the eastern region, Nasser Soualem.

A week later, on the same day that Musmari was assassinated, two colonels were also murdered in separate incidents: Colonel Khatab Younis Al-Zway, the head of the city’s Shekhra area police station, and Colonel Salam Al-Sarrah, a retired senior air force officer.

Four days after that, on July 30, Ahmed Farraj Al-Barnawi, who commanded the Benghazi Protection Force, was killed when a bomb attached to his car exploded outside his house in Benghazi.

The next day there was an attempt to assassinate retired Colonel Mubarak Mohammed Al-Obeidi. The attack on him resulted in him having his leg amputated.

In Derna, on 15 July, a day after a tourist project in the town had been bombed, a Captain Fathi Alamami was murdered.

Less than a week later, a retired colonel, Abdullateef Emdawi Al-Dali Almzeni, was gunned down.

And at the end of the month, the commander of the Libya Shield battalion in the town, Colonel Adnan Nuwaisiri, was also assassinated there.

According to Human Rights Watch, which is trying to keep a tally of the killings, at least 51 people have died in the recent murderous attacks in Benghazi and Derna – and the figure does not appear to include those killed this month.

The victims include two judges and “at least 44 serving members of the security forces, most of whom had held positions in the former government says a HRW report issued this week.

“At least six were high-ranking officers under Qaddafi.” HRW has strongly criticised the authorities for not arresting anyone.

“What started as assassinations of members of the police, internal security apparatus, and military intelligence has been further aggravated by the killing of judges and a political activist,” said Joe Stork, HRW’s deputy Middle East and North Africa director.

“The failure to hold anyone accountable highlights the government’s failure to build a functioning justice system.”



Senior army officer murdered in Tripoli

By Ashraf Abdul-Wahab

Yet another member of the armed forces has been murdered. Colonel Abdul-Wahab Mohammed Abdussalam Al-Lafi, a member of General Staff has died after being shot on Wednesday as he was returning to his home in Tripoli’s Jama Attughar district. According to a statement from the General Staff, he was taken to the Ali Omar Askar hospital in Assabea but died there.

There has been a spate of assassinations and attempted assassinations in the past month, many of them security officials who worked under the Qaddafi regime, but not all.  Political figures have been targeted as well, most notably political activist Abdulsalam Musmari, murdered on 26 July.

Most have been in Benghazi and eastern Libya, although five days ago the General Staff reported an attempt to assassinate the former interim Chief of Staff, Brigadier Salem Gnaidi.

Three days ago a car bomb

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Libyan prisoners -suffering story

Libyan prisoners -suffering story

Libyan prisoners -suffering story !الليبي أسرى يعانون القصة! Various former rat’s groups are holding as many as 10,000 prisoners in 60 detention centers around the country.
“There’s torture, extrajudicial executions, rape of both men and women,”.Saif al Islam,even captured appealed, for release of pro-Gaddafi prisoners, to the humans organisations in his latest talking with Human right watch officers.الليبي أسرى يعانون القصة! 
مجموعات الفئران سابق مختلف في تحتجز ما يصل إلى 10،000 سجينا في مراكز اعتقال 60 في جميع أنحاء البلاد. 
“هناك التعذيب والإعدام خارج نطاق القضاء، والاغتصاب من الرجال والنساء معا”. سيف الاسلام، اعتقل حتى ناشد، ل الافراج عن السجناء الموالية للقذافي، إلى المنظمات البشر في الحديث الأخير مع ضباط المراقبة حق الإنسان.


NATO underreported civilian killings in Libya airstrikes: HRW

NATO underreported civilian killings in Libya airstrikes: HRW

Smoke billows from the site of an explosion across an area in the Libyan capital, Tripoli, targeted by NATO airstrikes, June 7, 2011.

Smoke billows from the site of an explosion across an area in the Libyan capital, Tripoli, targeted by NATO airstrikes, June 7, 2011.

The Human Rights Watch (HRW) has accused the NATO military alliance of underreporting civilian casualties during its campaign against the regime of slain Libyan dictator Muammar Gaddafi.

The rights organization accused NATO of failing to acknowledge the scope of collateral damage caused by its airstrikes, urging the alliance to compensate civilian victims and launch a probe into the deaths of the civilians killed in the aerial attacks

“Attacks are allowed only on military targets, and serious questions remain in some incidents about what exactly NATO forces were striking,” said Fred Abrahams, a special adviser at HRW and principal author of the latest report of the organization on NATO’s Libya campaign. 

The report claims to be the most extensive investigation into the death toll of NATO air assaults, presenting a higher death toll estimate than the one given in an Amnesty International report released in March. 

The HRW report described NATO’s failure to thoroughly investigate the cases of civilian deaths as “deeply disappointing.” 

NATO has, however, argued that it took unprecedented care to “minimize risks to civilians” and it had no presence on Libyan soil to confirm the deaths. (****This is how NATO protects civilians)

“We deeply regret any instance of civilian casualties for which NATO may have been responsible,” said NATO spokeswoman Oana Lungescu in a statement. (****I am sure NATO regrets that they didn’t kill all Libyan Civilians)

NATO began a military campaign against Libya in March 2011 after the UN Security Council approved a resolution, authorizing force by whatever means necessary, except a ground invasion, to “protect civilians” in Libya. (****Not a DAY before the oil export contracts were expired)

From March 19, 2011 to October 31, 2011, NATO warplanes reportedly carried out some 26,000 sorties, including over 9,600 strike missions. 



banksy - 'if at first you don't succeed - call...

banksy – ‘if at first you don’t succeed – call an airstrike’ – 1 (Photo credit: Eva Blue)